LITTLE GIRLS OF THE NIGHT
By Gilberto Dimenstein
On the night of September 23, 1991, the São Bartolomeu--one
of the small steamboats that ply the Amazonian rivers--sails
to Laranjal do Jari in the northern reaches of Brazil. The
voyage lasts three days and two nights.
The passengers lie in hammocks hooked up to poles. Besides
passengers, the boat transports goods through the riverine
regions. This voyage, however, has a shipment of special
merchandise: a lot of girls who, without knowing it, are
destined to become prostitutes. Such a shipment is special,
but not truly exceptional for the boats that navigate these
rivers.
Twelve girls--among them, Ana Meire Lima da Silva, age 15,
and Miriam Ferreira dos Santos, 14--make up part of the
cargo. They were persuaded to go with promises of work in a
restaurant or luncheonette.
These girls were naive," says Elaine, a more experienced
prostitute who was involved in the ruse but is convinced that
she did nothing bad. "They knew nothing."
A terrible reception awaited them. Bucho de Bode ("Goat
Belly"), a brothel owner, met them at the port. As the ship
docked, Ana Meire remembers hearing catcalls from men on the
footbridges: "Hmm, some fresh meat... She's for me... She
turns me on... I'm going to suck you up whole."
This welcome is part of a ritual. Each time that girls debark
at the port, there is a true festival. That night, all the
men argued among themselves over who would have the privilege
of being the first to eat the "fresh meat." New arrivals are
highly valued by clients. In this unhealthly atmosphere,
prostitutes rapidly lose value, which, in the words of one
pimp, demands a constant "resupply of goods." When clients
tire of a product, the moment has arrived to sell the girls
according to the rule of "transfer." The girls move,
therefore, from one region to another, from one garimpo--
mining community--to the next.
I invite the reader to share with me the voyage along these
routes of trafficking in people, which will lead us into the
secrets of child prostitution found throughout Brazil. The
Brazilian Center for Childhood and Adolescence (CBIA) of the
Ministry of Social Services estimates that there are 500,000
girl prostitutes in the country.
The setting of this particular voyage is exotic, unknown and
largely inaccessible: the legal Amazon in the northwest of
Brazil, which comprises close to 61 percent of the national
territory. The Amazon has been a magnet for migration, which
has changed the face of the region with extraordinary speed.
Men and women with fair skin and blonde hair, from the South,
mix with Amazonian mestizos, producing a mixture of skin
colors, foods and expressions. Most of these migrants are
looking for land; others are attracted by gold. According to
the most recent census, Amazonia registered the highest rate
of population growth in the country: the state of Roraima
(9.1 percent), Rondônia (7.9 percent), Mato Grosso (5.4 percent), and Pará
(3.4 percent).
Protected by nature and difficult to access by land or by air
(there have been countless airplane accidents), the Amazonian
jungle creates states within a state. The law is dictated
there by those who are the boldest, the best armed, and have
the best pistoleiros (hired guns). The traffic in girls
forced into prostitution is testimony to the chaotic and
inhumane character of this migration.
The girls are attracted by the promise of licit employment,
but then are sent to work in night clubs in these faraway,
inaccessible places, and kept captive like prisoners. Even
the more experienced girls, who are not new to prostitution,
are tricked. By contrast with the more naive girls, they know
that they are going to sell their bodies, but they have
little idea of the regime of slavery that awaits them.
Everything rests upon the debt--a bottomless pit. From the
moment the girl arrives at the club, she is told that she
owes money: her plane or boat ticket, which can be as much as
$100. She cannot leave until this debt is paid off. The debt
grows with the purchase of clothes, perfumes, medicine and
food furnished by the club owner at an arbitrary price.
Without the girls realizing it, the owner keeps track of
their expenditures using as a base the value of a gram of
gold. The debt snowballs, especially when the girls fall
sick--a common occurrence in this region ravaged by malaria.
During the time they cannot "work," the debt piles up. Money
from clients does not pass through the girls' hands; it goes,
instead, directly to the cashbox.
In the majority of cases, the debt cannot be repaid, and
escape attempts are severely punished. The girl regains her
freedom only if she is sick, pregnant, or can no longer
attract clients. Occasionally, a client will pay for a girl's
release. Luísa Ribeiro Soares, a prostitute in Laranjal do
Jari, received help from a lover who wanted to live with her.
He helped pay her debt by buying back her "transfer," the
equivalent of the certificate of emancipation given to slaves
in the last century. In this milieu, the power to buy freedom
bestows great importance on the pimps.
Many paths lead to prostitution. "Misery pushes the girls
into the street," says Lurdes au Bar Jardim, the director of
the Group of Female Prostitutes of the Center of Belem
(GEMPAC). "They have nothing to sell. They don't know how to
read or write or cook. They can sell the only valuable thing
they possess: their body."
At times, the first step is linked to drug trafficking. A
number of girls have become addicted to "mela," a kind of
crack cocaine. "The girls are used as formiguinhas (little
ants)," says Captain Luiz Cláudio Azambuja, head of the
Department of Children and Adolescents of the military police
of Rondnia. "They carry the drugs to protect the adults."
The girls start by becoming addicted, and then they are used
as formiguinhas and prostitute themselves to feed their vice
and to try to wipe out an endless debt.
Another road to prostitution: a girl falls in love with
someone whom her family does not accept. As a consequence,
the family kicks her out. Without any skills, she has no
alternative but to sell her body to survive. This is what
happened to Adriana Pereira Lima, who works at a brothel in
Laranjal do Jari. Her family rejected her after she lost her
virginity. The street recovered her. Today, Adriana asks
herself: "My dream is to have a husband, kids and a job. But
where can I work since I didn't go to school?"
Family problems drive many girls onto the street. Of the 53
girls and adolescents that I interviewed, 50 came from broken
homes. Here are some numbers: 80 percent have no contact with their
father; the parents of 30 percent of the girls are dead; 35 percent say
they have suffered sexual abuse in the home and point to the
step-father as the principal abuser; and 50 percent say that
alcoholism is a problem in their family. The girls all dream
of a happy family, but their hopes are poignantly modest.
When I asked one young girl to describe her ideal father, she
thought a long time before replying: "This father would only
hit me at certain times."
Francineide Luiza Cavalcanti, 14, is a product of the
disintegration of the family. "I left my home because of my
step-father," she says. "Each time my mom went out, he wanted
to kiss me. I complained to my mom, but she did nothing. So I
left and didn't come back. I prefer the street."
Indeed a number of girls consider prostitution an avenue to
freedom. They are fleeing the oppression of a patriarchal
household, where it is not uncommon for the family to be in
conflict and often violent. In some cases, the girls are
trying to escape boring, poorly paid jobs. They are seduced
by the dream of having a room of their own and earning more
money.
Claudia Amaral, age 13, came to Beiradão to work as a maid
for a couple. She stayed in the city as a maid during the
daytime. At night, however, she came to the night club to
realize her deepest desire: to dance. Claudia convinces me
that she truly doesn't want to leave the brothel. She is
happy dancing and meeting new people, all of which gives her
a sense of freedom. It is better, she says, than the tiring
work of a maid.
But the street is not an easy school. The girls are obliged
to submit to the depravations of their clients and the
blackmail of police officers who demand sex from the girls
without paying.
The girls sorely lack information. Of those 53 girls I
interviewed, barely 15 percent use contraceptive methods and just 5 percent
regularly use condoms. Most of the girls did not have the
least idea how their bodies function or of the risks of
pregnancy. Forty percent had already self-induced abortions
by the most rudimentary methods--such as blows to the
stomach, knitting needles, or inappropriate medicine (such as
quinine for malaria). Others had abandoned their newborns in
the hope that someone would pick the infants up and care for
them.
Violence is a common reality. Students at the Federal
University of Pará did a study in the garimpo zones in 1991.
Their report contains the testimony of a man from Santare'm
who frequented the brothels during his travels. He describes
the violence he encountered: "The girls are submitted to all
kinds of torture and exploitation, regardless of their skin
color. When they refuse, they are mistreated--violently
beaten, their hair cut with a machete, and sometimes even
killed. One girl demanded money from a john with whom she'd
just slept. She died from two gunshots in the vagina."
Ins Pinho de Carvalho, from the Pastoral Office of Minors in
Santarém, can no longer recall how many girls she has helped
liberate nor how many families have come to her in search of
their children. One case in particular made a strong
impression on her. Ins helped to free Lúcia Figueira, age
13, who was sent to the garimpos in the Itaituba region.
After her release, Lúcia told Ins what had happened to her.
The night club owner was angry at her because of her escape
attempts. One day when he was more furious than usual, he
tied her to the back of his car and dragged her through the
streets. "That wasn't enough for him," Lúcia confided in
Ins. "Afterwards, he put lemon on my wounds."
This violence is sometimes turned inwards. Self-mutilation--a
cry for attention--is a common form of self-punishment.
Students from the Faculty of Pedagogy at the Federal
University of Mato Grosso did a study of the girls of Praca
do Porto in Cuiabá, under the direction of the psychologist
Katia Marques. "When a girl falls in love with a boy," says
their report, "he becomes her gigolo. She shares her earnings
with him. However, the girls don't know how to master their
frustrations when they are in love and are treated badly. For
this reason, they beat themselves. They become totally
masochistic."
In this route of human trafficking, a virgin is worth more
than others. Maria Dalva Bandeira, a former teacher who
studied in her adolescence to become a nun, organizes a well-
known auction of virgins at La Casa da Dalva, a brothel in
Imperatriz that specializes in virgins. When a girl arrives
who is still "sealed"--to use the expression of the trade--
the whole city is told about it. The person who pays the most
has the right to be the first.
The men gather in the salon. Dalva then presents the girl,
who has been dressed up in new and seductive clothes, and has
had her face made up and her hair styled. Immediately after
the presentation, the girl returns to her room.
The auction then begins. The highest bid is usually placed by
a son of the fazendeiros--the rich landowners. The following
day is a big event for these rich young men. To deflower a
virgin is a mark of social status.
Along the row of brothels where the Casa da Dalva is located,
most of the prostitutes are young girls. The reason is
simple: by age 18, a prostitute is a finished woman, eaten
away by illnesses. It's necessary, then, to bring in new
labor.
The garimpeiros--the gold diggers--call women over 18 years
"chickens," and younger girls "chicks." The psychologist
Maria Luiza Pinheiro, from the Brazilian Center for Childhood
and Adolescence, frequently travels the routes of this
traffic. She has often heard the men who chase the
"chicks"say, "I had myself one of 15 kilograms (33 pounds).
It was good."
Just as I'm about to go home after talking to some girls on a
street in downtown Manaus, a child comes up to me and tugs at
my shirt sleeve.
"Mister, aren't you going to interview me?" she asks. It is
then that I realize that she is a little girl. Scarcely 12
years old, she already has a nom de guerre--Cristiane--like
the other prostitutes. Her real name is Edvalda Pereira da
Silva. Like most of the girls of the street, she has already
been beaten up by the police. She says that one of them
kicked her in the stomach because she had called him a "son
of a bitch."
Edvalda knows what a condom is, but she doesn't use them.
"They say that if you don't use them, you'll catch a kind of
AIDS," she says, "but I don't believe it."
Edvalda has already learned some of the tricks of the trade.
Another girl has explained to her that she must be paid in
advance. Her price is 7,000 cruzeiros (nine dollars) a
ve question: "Little
one, have you already done programs?"
Edvalda bursts out laughing. She says that her mother works
in Itamaraca'--a red-light zone--and she doesn't care if
Edvalda turns tricks. "I am different than the other
prostitutes," she adds. "Do you know why?"
I tell her that I don't have the faintest idea.
Her response takes me by surprise. She lifts up her blouse,
which is so big that it functions as a dress, and says
laughing: "I don't have breasts yet."
Edvalda and other girls I interviewed confirm the suspicions
of specialists, even though statistical studies have not yet
been done: the average age of the girls who fall into
prostitution is dropping. They are becoming younger at the
same rate as the total number of street kids is growing. Sex
becomes an occasional source of revenue even for children.
One obvious result is the girls' total ignorance of the risks
they run. The Ministry of Social Services carried out a study
in Manaus of women from 16 to 40 years old. They found that
80 percent of the women didn't know their own bodies and didn't
understand how one becomes pregnant or how to avoid it. One
imagines, then, how little is known by young girls like
Edvalda.
To escape requires courage and above all imagination. One
war-like operation succeeded in freeing Maria Madalena Costa
de Oliveira. Her misadventure began on April 28, 1991, in
Altamira, when a couple, Walmir and Marisa, invited her to
come work as a domestic employee in Itaituba. She was told
she would earn 30 grams of gold per month.
On May 4, she arrived at the Miranda Hotel in Itaituba. There
she met five other girls. An unpleasant surprise was not long
in coming. Early in the morning, Walmir told the girls that
they would not be staying in the city, but would go to the
garimpo. If they wanted to bail out, it wasn't a problem. But
first they had to pay the debt they had incurred for their
plane ticket and lodging. The girls resigned themselves to
going. They flew to Cuiú-Cuiú, where the pimp Tampinha was
waiting for them on the runway.
Then they encountered the second unpleaant surprise of the
trip: they had to work in the Matador night club. "Those were
infernal nights," recounts Maria Madalena. "They forced us to
sleep with several men. They made us perform homosexual acts
and pose for photos."
Three months later, Maria Madalena--accompanied by her
friends Tânia and Maria de Fátima--escaped with the help of
two garimpeiros. After two nights and a day on the run, they
were hungry and exhausted. They arrived at the plantation of
Edmar Pereira, where they asked for food. It was a bad idea:
the landowner returned them to his friend Tampinha for 49
grams of gold.
Maria Madalena didn't lose hope. In a letter to her sister in
Altamira, she detailed her predicament and called for help. A
sick prostitute left for Altamira with Maria Madalena's
letter hidden in her luggage. With this letter in hand, her
sister Raimunda Holanda looked for the judge Vera Araújo de
Souza and for the federal police.
On November 25, with the judge's court order, a police
commissioner left to look for Maria Madalena in Cuiú-Cuiú.
As she was leaving, Tampinha threatened the girl. "He said to
me that if I told anything, he would kill me," she says. "He
said that if he wanted to, he could kill me right there and
bury me. That all he had to do was give some gold to the
police commissioner and everything would be forgotten." The
story of Maria Madalena sums up the climate of impunity that
envelopes the trafficking and slavery of women forced into
prostitution.
Sister Dineva, from the Center for the Defense of Minors in
Cuiab&aaucte, the capital of Mato Grosso, gives me an example of
the cruelty of these power games: Jociane Silva dos Santos.
Jociane is just nine years old. She is an orphan. Her mother
had already passed away when her father died in December,
1991. At night, Jociane sleeps in a government home for
abandoned children in Mato Grosso. The home is not very safe.
Pimps keep watch in front of the building, waiting for the
girls with offers of "protection and money." In the daytime,
Jociane wanders around the plaza.
The street educators and Sister Dineva are worried about
Jociane. She is already hanging out with an older girl who
has decided to "sponsor" her. For all practical purposes,
Jociane is ready to enter the "market," negotiating what she
has of highest value: her virginity, an expensive commodity.
"I don't know how much longer we can maintain control,"
laments the nun, as she points a finger at the girl who is
sponsoring Jocaine.
Jociane approaches us. I ask the usual questions: the names
of her father and mother, place of birth, workplace,
childhood memories, perception of violence, how she feels
among these girls.
I ask her if she knows what AIDS is. She answers yes. I
persist: "What is it?"
"It's a sickness that comes from the river," Jociane replies.
"They tell people not to drink this water because of AIDS."
Mixing up AIDS and cholera highlights the ignorance of
children like Jociane and their inability to manage not only
their sex, but also their entire life. They collect trauma
after trauma, rejection after rejection.
I heard an utterance that best expressed the deep scar left
by child prostitution when I was doing research for an
earlier book at the Casa da Passagem, a shelter in Recife.
After telling her story, which was a tissue of trauma,
frustration and violence, a young girl asked: "Is it possible
to be born a second time?" For the little girls of the night,
their first passage on this earth has been a tale of misery.
Sidebar:
The Indians, intrigued by his green eyes, watched him. They were afraid, thinking that he was an apparition. After all, they had never seen a man with green eyes. With time, the Indians grew accustomed to Dr. Marcos Pellegrini, who, in 1986, was the first white man to come in contact with a tribe of Yanomami Indians from the Moxafe region in Roraima. To get there, Marcos undertook a week-long journey, three days of which were on foot in the heart of the jungle.
For a number of months, Marcos lived with this tribe, learning their customs which had not yet been tainted by "civilization." It was a harmonious society--without epidemics or hunger. Hunting, fishing and agricultural production provided enough for all.
But after Marcos, with his green eyes, thousands of men arrived with their dredges, revolvers and mercury. It was the invasion of the garimpeiros--the freelance miners--in search of gold.
In 1991, Marcos, now a doctor at the National Health Foundation and the Indigenista Missionary Council (CIMI), returned to visit this tribe. Green eyes and blonde hair no longer impressed the Indians. A number of them had other interests: women offered themselves to him in exchange for gifts. The health of the tribe had deteriorated. Marcos noted the appearance of various illnesses, among them gonorrhea. An old Indian woman asked him a question, which was strange at first glance: "Aren't there any white women?"
Afterwards, he understood. These Indians had met only men-- soldiers and garimpeiros--who represented invasion and illness. They were not accompanied by their wives, and took advantage of the Indian women. Sex, so natural in the bosom of the community, had become a product with an exchange value. In this way, prostitution made its appearance in the tribe: sex was paid for with rum, medicine, clothes and food. The Indians had even stopped growing crops and were in need of food.
Marcos is currently working with the tribes of the upper Purus region in Acre. There, he has also noted the sexual abuse of Indian women and children-- especially by the marreteiros, hawkers who travel by boat selling their wares. They carry rum with them to pay the women.
I had the opportunity to interview the former cacique Raiaou, who lives in the Indian reserve of São Lourenco, in the municipality of Assis Brazil. Raiaou, who spoke in the jaminauá language which an Indian guide translated for me, admitted to having been the victim of this rum introduced by the marreteiros. One day, one of the men asked to sleep with his daughter in exchange for 12 bottles. The deal was struck. The old cacique had no complaint until the men asked for his wife.
"Then, I said: 'Respect me, you son of a bitch,'" Raiaou recounted, repeating the gesture he had made with his arm. He said the phrase "son of a bitch" not in jaminauá, but in Portuguese.
During my stay in Rio Branco, I discovered various jaminauá families wandering around the city. A team of television reporters approached a family to ask for an interview. The reporters were caught off-guard when the girls insistently offered their bodies in exchange for a little food or money.
Not only the marreteiros are responsible for the attacks against women and children, but also the soldiers scattered among the different garrisons of the Amazon. The doctor and anthropologist Antônio Maria de Souza, a researcher at the Emílio-Goeldi museum in Belém, has gathered dozens of testimonies of the "general"--a sort of gang rape on Indian girls that the soldiers engage in.
"It was common practice until very recently for a group of men--in general off-duty recruits--to catch an Indian, often a young one," Antônio says. "They took her to a deserted place and forced her to do 'the general.' In other words, they gang-raped her. These rapes occurred innumerable times despite the punishment of some aggressors. In the city, you hear people say that the Indian girls like it."
The commander of the Fifth Special Borders Battalion of the Army of São Gabriel da Cachoeira, Colonel Francisco Abrão, does not appreciate the accusations against his soldiers. "It is the Indian women who try to rape my soldiers when they are in heat," he says. "I must protect my soldiers because they cannot respond to all these longings."
Gilberto Dimentein is a Brazilian reporter for Folha de São Paulo. He is author of Brazil: War on Children (Latin Ameria Bureau/Monthly Review Press, 1991). This article is adapted from his book Meninas da Noite (Editora Atica S.A., 1992). Translated from the Portuguese by NACLA.